To this effect, the faction is viewed as patriots who are merely out to accord the vulnerable population with defense. This group points at the military expeditions they have assumed over a long period of time, and how this has enabled them to consolidate the weak and the fledgling democracy of the nation of Colombia, and to develop the outlook of the economy of the country which had been and still is bedeviled by inconsistencies; to point at themselves as vicarious heroes.
Nevertheless, according to human rights watch groups such as the Amnesty International, and the Human Rights Watch, these paramilitary outfits should be held accountable to over eighty two percent (82%)of Colombian human rights violation (Auty and Mikesell, 1998 pp. 84). A small light seems to be shining at the end of the tunnel following the ongoing peace talks and negotiations taking place amongst the AUC, FARC and the government, aimed at reaching a ceasefire.
On January 23rd 2001, there was the restructuring of the AUC rank and file in preparation of the then oncoming government initiated peace talks. The aftermath of these developments culminated in the striking of a cease fire between the government and the AUC. There are still ongoing spates of peace talks between the government and the AUC. The AUC on the other hand seems ton be disintegrating following the deaths of the leaders, Castano and Franco Rodrigo in 2004. Effect of the drug trade on leadership.
Having seen the underpinnings of how the illegal drugs trade have birthed massive cases of militancy and armed resistant groups, it is incumbent that the losses that have been delivered to the economy at the hands of militancy be taken to stock, since; it is these militant factions that have ushered in insecurity. It is on this premise that Colombia has been branded as the world’s most dangerous place for one to live in, especially if one is a an activist or a union member.
This epithet is backed by the fact that since 1985, 3,000 people have been murdered, according to the statistical researches conducted by the Free Trade Union International Confederation (Talbot, 2004 pp. 90). The problem escalates into all fields of development. For instance, as far as politics and leadership is concerned, this state of affairs translate into the deprivation of good leaders since these qualified leaders are too scared to vie for any leadership position. A case in point is Pedro Arenas who is now in asylum in the United States.
Arenas upon being interviewed, said that he was not going to contest for the top seat ( the presidency) given the fact that he is fearing for his life and his family’s life which had been threatened by the right wing paramilitary grouping in Colombia. Conclusion. The way out of this quagmire includes a radical methodology that is multi faceted. First and foremost, the United Nations and other international communities such as the European Union should be involved by deploying the peace keeping service men to the local scene.
This should be followed by the interdiction of the culprits evidently known for having been responsible for the sponsoring of the proscribed military groups and activities, before the International Court of Justice, at the Hague. This will immediately extirpate the evident cases of human rights violations. Other exporting firms that are known to also have been funding the outlawed militancy such as the African Palm Oil, an organization which deals in the exportation of timber, mining and oil should also be subjected to embargoes and sanctions.
The high echelons should also be subjected to investigations and court interdictions. However, in another wavelength, the use of violence to depose the Afro Colombian groupings from their conventional territories to facilitate the United States driven labor Side Agreements should be abandoned since this is only likely to cause intense clamoring (Arian, 2006 pp. 80) .
Page Ameringer, Charles. The 1980s and 1990s of Latin America: political parties of the Americas. Colorado: Rowman and Littlefield. 1992. Arias Enrique. A look into drugs and Democracy in Rio de Janeiro. Colombia: Colombian University Press. 2006.