About 8 million people and immigrants dislocated due to the beginning of war in the Western engaged regions and a number of 3. 6 million people from eastern sector of Germany engaged by Soviets from 1945 to 1949. The huge colonization movements witnessed by Federal Republic of Germany and German Democratic Republic, subsequently. Almost half a million aliens were settling in the Federal Republic of Germany by 1950, which is one percent of the whole inhabitants. Afterwards, settlers arrived in different periods:
• Since 1955 to 1973, the conscription of alien labor, recognized by “Guest Workers” (Gastarbeiter) animate in Germany, has increased the figure up to 4 million. The first and foremost alien workers were hired from Tunisia, Portugal, Morocco, Greece, Italy, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Spain, which continued till 1973. • From 1973 to 1985, major migration occurred by the dependents of alien German residents and the figure rose to 4. 4 million in 1985. After the plummet of iron curtain in late 1980s, other types of migration initiated:
• Asylum Seekers – About 57,000 asylum applications were submitted in 1987, it increased by the following years and in 1992 the number of applications reached to 438,000. Then Germany modified the asylum law and restricts these numbers to 100,000 per annum in 1998. • Ethnic German Emigres: From 1945-50, more than 12 million banished and other people absorbed by Germany. About 36,000 average German origin expellees, yearly, were relocated in Federal Republic in the period of 1950-84. This colonization began protuberance in the period of 1987-88; about 203,000 ethnic Germans approaching to Germany and this figure went up about 400,000 in 1990.
From Soviet Union sector, Germany engrossed 2. 7 million people. In early 2000, this numbers have been lowered by less than 100,000 yearly and favorably regain the level of 1984. Numbers have depicted that, by 1996, the figure extended to 7. 3 million as a consequence of continuous family reunion and periodical migration. “It is safe to assume that nearly one in every five persons living in Germany has an immigrant back ground”. (BMI Migration to Germany) The up surged labor demand in West Germany, occurred by the pecuniary boom after the World War II, and is known as “Economic Miracle”.
Concepts of Immigration Plan Two Existing well recognized concepts on Immigration procedures – The state recognition and the pecuniary method – are evaluated while both methods observe immigration procedure as a consequence of historical or economic determinants. Both methods highlight politics as a vital issue motivating immigration policies. As a result, the methods build up a new form that emphasize that the achievement of procedure initiatives is mainly reliant on communal performers and the existence of political gateway formations and indicative challenging packages.
Monetary and Cultural Concepts Colonization strategies of specific Western States cultural values or ‘State Recognition’ arguments are mostly employing as unofficial enlightenment for the conflict among countries (Meissner 1992; Munz 2001). The hypothetical tactic subsequent to these urging render the case, that “the unique history of each country, its conceptions of citizenship and nationality, as well as debates over national identity and social conflicts within it, shape its migration policies” (Meyers 2000:1251).
It employs a past method and therefore shows down the significance or “conditional” factors. The very momentous in this context is most likely the effort by Rogers Brubaker on conceptions of citizenship in France and Germany. He contends “national welfare in an expensive or limiting citizenry is not immediately given by pecuniary, demographic, or military considerations. Rather, judgments of what is in the interest of the state are mediated by self-understandings, by cultural idioms, by ways of thinking and talking about nationhood” (Brubaker 1992: 16).
Miriam Feldblum therefore, censures the approach in her study of French Policy: “Such a framework tends to reify various historical and ideological strands into more or less static national models to be juxtaposed against other national models. To look primarily at national traditions and models to explain current reform outcomes either lays the ground work for a series of national exceptions – as in French exceptionalism, German exceptionalism and American exceptionalism – or leaves many questions unanswered about the dynamic character and direction of the reforms” (Feldblum 1999: 7-8).