If a country's harm-reduction policy choice is a direct contraction of consumption, its strategy has to be multifaceted and, in democracies as a minimum, accompanied by the development of an antidrug ethos. If the policy choice is some other sort of harm-reduction package, the politics may be easier, however the outcomes are not completely known, no doubt highly subject to each principal consumer country's characteristic mix of history, social structure, and social values. (South, N. (ed), 1999).
If the policy choice is decriminalization/legalization so as to undercut drug-related crime and remove monstrous life-sustaining profits from the drug lords, a probable increase in consumption and the proposals' political impracticality at the present time have to be fully understood. Ideas associated with raising risks or invoking fear, enhancing rewards that plea to self-interest, and working energetically for an underlying change in societal values demonstrate some promise in reducing consumption. (South, N.
(ed), 1999). Unluckily, successes have been possible for the reason that they benefit small target groups otherwise inextricably associated to structural features of society that create poverty, despair, and resignation. (South, N. (ed), 1999). Thus, the confront for reducing demand among people of the underclass comes into view to be in figuring out how, in fact, to remove them from the underclass. The prospects strike to the very core of a society's structure and the cultural predilections of its ruling classes.
Drug change entails social change, not just of drug users however of societal features that contribute to drug use. (South, N. (ed), 1999) Harm-reduction proposals may assist to address the structural problems associated with consumption in net consumer countries. They may even thrive in reducing harm. Though, most say nothing regarding reducing harm for principal producer countries for the reason that the proposals are focused domestically on principal consumer countries and are not internationally linked in the sense of articulating a socioeconomic and political impact on net producer countries.
(Jeff Ferrell, Neil Websdale, 1999). Serious harm-reduction proposals proposed to comprise principal producer countries would have to address the international prohibition regime itself—conceivably in some form of de facto decriminalization and the question of economic development in some rational way. (Jeff Ferrell, Neil Websdale, 1999). An assessment of the policy options in various "mixes" was made for Colombia and Bolivia and, by implication, the United States.
(Jeff Ferrell, Neil Websdale, 1999). The present international policy mix that gives emphasis to supply suppression is perceived to benefit mainly the U. S. middle- and upper-middle classes, who are most dissuaded from drug taking by illegality. Following supply suppression by means of alternative development policies has been helpful to Bolivia. The big losers are all Colombians other than drug traffickers, growers, as well as intermediaries. (Jeff Ferrell, Neil Websdale, 1999).
A variety of harm-reduction packages were explored in terms of political feasibility and outcomes for Colombia and Bolivia. Colombia's options within the existing international prohibition regime are extremely constrained and are thrown into a long-term perspective. (Jeff Ferrell, Neil Websdale, 1999). The country will require building strong social cohesion and social controls that would discourage antisocial behavior, together with illicit-drug production, marketing, and consumption.
To aid or speed up this process, the United States will need to take a cautious look at whether it can carry on to justify an international supply-suppression policy that achieves nothing at home and great mischief abroad. (Gene Stephens, 1992). Eventually, some mix of decriminalization in principal consumer countries and legalization in Colombia would obliterate the "crime tax" on which traffickers depend and would eliminate a major source of violence in the country. The great virtue would be in putting the traffickers out of business. (Gene Stephens, 1992).