The "fast track" land resettlement program implemented by the government of Zimbabwe over the last two years has led to serious human rights violations. The program's implementation also raises serious doubts as to the extent to which it has benefited the landless poor. The stated aim of the fast track program is to take land from rich white commercial farmers for redistribution to poor and middle-income landless black Zimbabweans.
Under the program, however, ruling party militias, often led by veterans of Zimbabwe's liberation war, have carried out serious acts of violence against farm owners, farm workers, and, using occupied farms as bases for attacks, against residents of surrounding areas. The police have done little to halt such violence, and in some cases are directly implicated in the abuses.
The process of allocating plots to those who want land has frequently discriminated against those who are believed to support opposition parties, and in some cases those supervising the process have required applicants to demonstrate support for the ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF). Zimbabwe's several hundred thousand farm workers have been largely excluded from the program, and many have lost their jobs, driven from the farms where they work by violence or laid off because of a collapse in commercial agricultural production.
Even those people allocated plots on former commercial farms appear in many cases to have little security of tenure on the land, leaving them vulnerable to future partisan political processes or eviction on political grounds, and further impoverishment. The need for land reform in Zimbabwe is generally acknowledged, even by representatives of the commercial farming sector. Colonial policies of expropriation gave a few thousand white farmers ownership of huge tracts of arable land.
About 4,500 large-scale commercial farmers still held 28 percent of the total land at the time the fast track program was instituted; meanwhile, more than one million black families eke out an existence in overcrowded, arid "communal areas," the land allocated to Africans by the colonial regime. Farm workers, many of whom are of foreign descent, have little or no access to land on their own account, and are also vulnerable to arbitrary eviction from their tied accommodation.
Many poor and middle-income black people in urban areas, squeezed by rocketing food and transport price hikes and growing unemployment since the mid-1990s, see land as an alternative source of income and food security. Many land restitution claims relating to forced removals during the era of the white government have also not been addressed. These factors create a significant land hunger in Zimbabwe.
As has been widely reported, war veterans and associated Zanu-PF militia occupying commercial farms have intimidated, assaulted, and in at least seven cases killed white farm owners in the course of occupying commercial farms. A much larger number of victims have come from among farm workers on commercial farms; several tens of farm workers have been killed. In addition, Human Rights Watch collected numerous testimonies indicating that commercial farms are being used as bases for war veterans and Zanu-PF militia to intimidate alleged opposition supporters in neighboring communal areas.
Our findings confirmed the reports of Zimbabwean and other international human rights organizations that the police have at best failed to take action against the alleged perpetrators of violent crimes and in some cases have actively assisted illegal actions. The army, too, has played a role in organizing and facilitating the occupations, without providing any check on the violence. The desire for land is evident from numerous testimonies, including from people who support opposition parties which have officially opposed the current process.
In particular, those who work the land on the commercial farms often have no land of their own or alternative livelihoods. Yet, according to many witnesses interviewed by Human Rights Watch the process of land distribution itself raises serious concerns. The first problem they identified was the party-political control of access to the forms for applying for land and partisan discrimination in the allocation of plots. The second was the key role of the war veterans' Zanu-PF militias in distributing and allocating land, the same militias that are responsible for violence and intimidation against many who might otherwise apply for a plot.
A third was the general exclusion of farm workers from the benefits of land redistribution. Although there is an official structure for allocating land through the civil service and elected officials, in many cases this system is superseded by informal processes governed by the war veterans, who may require demonstrated loyalty to Zanu-PF before allocating a plot. Working in concert with the ruling party militias, the police and army were identified as coordinating some of the land occupations.